The March Against Rawlings
by A Correspondent, New York
For the first time, a substantial number of Ghanaians were showing open courage, demonstrating against the government at home without fear of retribution; the first of its kind in Ghanaian history in New York. A coalition of different political philosophies, remnants of prescribed parties and the plain apathetic had come together to say "never again".On Saturday, December 3rd, a group of Ghanaians staged a protest against their government in New York City. At issue was not the case of 'government' itself, but that of the Rawlings' regime which the group claimed was 'illegal and masquarading as government'.
So on that December morning, the group gathered at the Dag Hammarskjold Park, close to the United Nations' headquarters in New York. The weather forecast for the day had promised an inclement weather, but at 10.30 am, when the procession was to start, the sun was shining.
Spearheading the protests was the organisation of the United Front for the Liberation of Ghana USA, (UFLG), which operates from New York City and the surrounding metropolitan areas. This body was aided by fellow members of the Ghana Congress of U.S. and Canada, (GCUC), an umbrella organization for assorted groups of civic conscious associations of Ghanaians in the United States and Canada, whose common cause is the ouster of the present regime in Ghana.
Friendship Association of Baltimore; The Ghana Citizens Organizations of the U.S. and Canada, from Chicago; National Club of San Francisco, and Ghanaians for Freedom and Justice Organization of Los Angeles. An oversight in planning almost caused problems for the protestors at the start. They had obtained a permit to protest at the right site, but had alerted the press to the wrong site, the 'Isaiah Wall'.
The 'Isaiah Wall' is a well-known spot for international protest of this sort in New York. Its proximity to the U.N. assures maximum exposure for grievances. And its stature as a symbol of peace also helps. For, emblazoned on the wall in the verse from the Prophet which reads “... and nations shall beat their swords into plowshares”
It is a daily ritual to find cause activists, ranging from the sublime to the most ridiculous, airing their grievances in front of this wall.
As common as this site may be for protest, frankly, it's a bit unusual to find Ghanaians protesting there. An added irony was also the fact that the group protesting in front of the wall on that morning of December was not the group which had invited the press to the location.
For some strange reason, a pro- Rawlings' group had the permit for the site. Could it have been a subterfuge? Were these ordinary citizens so goodin political chicanery all by themselves? It looked like the primary advantage was theirs because of the wall. But it was not to be, as they were plainly out- numbered by the anti-group, parading a few blocks away. Whatever forces Ghana. were at work, the fact remained that the demonstration was a first in Ghanaian history in New York City.
APATHY
Thus, present were the American And, knowledgeable Ghanaians were quick to render observations: As a group of Ghanaians were timid, and those in North America represented the worst end of this timidity spectrum. Good life in America had rendered them apathetic to political issues at home. Never would they have expressed their opinion in the manner as was seen this last Saturday. Boilerplate excuse would have been the norm: 'well, let's give them a chance and see what they can do too'. 'They' always meant the government in power. Contentment would follow rationalization, then peaceful co-existence until the next coup.But underlying the rationalization was always creative pragmatism, and the moral lesson of 'one doesn't know when one will go home, does one?'.
This march was different. The anti Rawlings' group had thrown caution to the wind. It could be because Jerry J. was really precipitating matters and making things worse at home, to the point of desperation.
Exactly two years ago, Jerry came to power through a coup, his third. The first one was a failure. Before the last coup, the nation had gone through a major exercise to return to civilian rule and constitutional government after the debacle of General Acheampong, another soldier. It was pitiful that Limann, the President Rawlings ousted, had to be foisted on the nation at this critical time. But this latter point, it appeared, was not the issue.
For the first time, a substantial number of Ghanaians were showing open courage, demonstrating against the government at home, without fear of retribution. But for the token presence of the pro-Rawlings group, there was an apparent sense of unity. A coalition of different political philosophies, remnants of proscribed parties, tribal affiliates, and the plain apathetic had come together to say 'never again'.
The voice of consensus was: The Rawlings' regime is an illegal one. It has subverted a constitutionally elected government. Those who run it, aid and abet it, are guilty of the highest of treasons. One could sense Rawlings planning the same charges against them, if and when they returned to Ghana
But these protestors seemed unaware of the inherent danger of their position, or did seem to care. Rather, it was the pro-group that showed fear. Witness this amusing incident.
An individual, a Ghanaian, went to the pro-Rawlings site to take pictures. At the sight of this single amateur photographer, they panicked, and called on the police to remove the cause of their fear, while covering their faces with the placards. One wondered what they were afraid of. They numbered only six, but this was New York City, not Accra. And, after all they were supporting the government at home, with all the powers of coercion on their side?
But so much for the expression of confidence in their government at home.
They also had a placard which read 'Home Is Where The Fight Is'. Of course, home is the area of their strength, but the 'Isaiah Wall' is not exactly in Ghana. And none, all well known in the Ghanaian community in New York, has been heard to express the wish to return home soon. It is an accepted assumption that the same conditions that brought these men to the U.S. drove everybody out. Some said they would be glad to see them go home, but, perhaps, they would not because the plight of Amartey Kwei could still be vivid in their memory; and its lesson not lost to them. For, loyalty to the revolution was and still is dependent upon the use one can be put to.
But for a mild incidence of heckling when a tardy protestor from the pro group wandered to the wrong site, nothing of any significance happened to mar the occasion. For close to four hours, the anti-group aired its feelings, Placards proclaimed their opposition to the political concepts at work in Ghana. 'Go Home Castro'; 'No Libyans Needed in Ghana'; 'Down with Communism' were a few of them, displayed with the sound of gong- gongs and drumming.
By securing the 'Isaiah Wall' first, the pro-group had gained the initial advantage. But by sheer size, six against some two hundred people, and impressive energy, the anti-group were able to offset this advantage. All agreed that they had succeeded in moving national issues beyond the regime. confines of Ghana.
For the first time, members of a third world country were openly demonstrating against communism, especially the Castro brand, on the streets of the U.S.A. It would not require much intelligence to appreciate how confortable such anti-communist expressions would be for the present U.S. administration.
For, in the wake of the U.S. invasion of Grenada, a number of third world countries had roundly condemned the act. Notable among these was Ghana. A mute point at this U.N. session was the matter of Grenada being within the sphere of U.S. influence, a high consideration point in super power politics these days; which consideration also leads us to something called geo-politics, as explained in the same face-off between Cuba and the U.S. in Grenada.
In the game of geo-politics, like in the game of chess, there are kings and there are pawns. Even midget powers like Libya perceive themselves as kings. To the anti-group, Rawlings has managed to drag Ghana into this game of geo-politics by turning Ghana into a proxy nation, and a probing finger for Libyan hegemony. They claimed Ghana was deeply involved in the recent overthrow of the Upper Volta government, playing proxy for the Libyans. Understandably, Rawlings has to pay his dues, for, it was Libya's support that brought him to power.
And it is what is keeping him there with the help of a coterie of Cuban and Libyan soldiers. Were it left to the sole effort of the patch of Ghanaian soldiery, they claimed, Rawlings could have been ousted a long time ago.
The role of proxy has given Rawlings a feeling of rebirth of political significance for Ghana on the continent. It should be remembered that it was the independence of Ghana that ushered in the independence and liberation movements in the rest of Africa. Unless this manifest destiny of Ghana ended with the attainment of just independence, which is doubtful, then it would be safe to expect another domino effect shaping up because of this new found sense of significance.
A letter from the anti-group to the Secretary General of the U.N.; prompted by a keynote address to the 38th session of the U.N. by Dr. Obed Asamoah, Ghana's Secretary of Foreign Affairs, drew attention to the profession of lofty ideals and views of the regime's role in Africa and world politics, which contrasted sadly with the realities of life in Ghana. To the anti-group, Rawlings rule in Ghana is tyranny in fast track, which for want of a better name is called the Tsikata-Rawlings regime.
MANDATE
Simply stated, this regime has uprooted the rule of law and order from Ghana, and has replaced it with thuggery of all kinds. It was chilling to hear the anti-group recall the spate of killings that have occurred in the country to date; corpses that are routinely discovered in the manner of those of the three high court judges and that of the former military officer. The tribunals and the stampeding death sentences. Never, they say, has Lagos. Ghana witnessed this type of inhuman administration. For the pro-group, it was a matter of giving Rawlings a chance to continue: After all he once enjoyed a large public support, and still thinks he does. Besides, Rawlings has good intentions.But, Rawlings must understand now that matters have gone out of hand. The argument of good intentions and the self-acclaimed mandate to rule is canard in the face of this raw determination to hang on to power. One may ask, of what use it is for Ghana to substitute democratic rule, with its attendant evils, for a repressive government devoid of a constitutional and political mandate other than that provided by thugs, misbegotten soldiers, and members of similar fraternity? Though it took two long years for the anti-group to come forward in North America to demand an end to the horror show in Ghana, when they did, as was seen in the demonstration, the message was clear: Rawlings must go. And they are willing to educate the world about the difference between legitimate rule and illegitimate one.
The immediate target of the attack in education was CBS. Some six months ago this network had aired a segment of 'Sixty Minutes' in favour of Rawlings. Leaflets distributed by the anti-group during the march said that despite the acclaimed journalistic excellence of this network station, the broadcast did not see the forest from the trees. And that the programme showed a complete disdain for current events and undercurrent moods in Ghana. From the view-point of American journalism, where plurality of opinions is the norm, the presentation was a disservice to the profession.
FREEDOM
Again, some five months later, "Sixty Minutes' had visited Lagos, Nigeria, and had come back with a painting of life in Lagos as corrupt, filthy and unlivable. In Lagos, the programme could not see the rule of democracy and freedom of choice for political systems, and in Ghana they could not see the absence of these same concepts which the west profess to hold in high esteem.One is tempted to ask CBS about the relative importance of the two trends of life in these two African countries; filth or democracy? Perhaps, after a malcontent, like Rawlings, stages a coup because of this programme CBS will move its staff and headquarters to Lagos
The protestors moved on from the Dag Hammarskjold Park, with stops at the Libyan, Cuban, Russian and Ghana missions, where they burnt an effigy of Rawlings.
At each stop, the crowd and passers-by were addressed by key members of the anti-group. The theme evolved on the illegitimacy of the Rawlings regime.
They were not asking much as they sang 'All we are saying is give freedom a chance'. It is a simpler request, and the west should understand. No double standards. Do not live and prosper under the rule of law and order and expect the African to acquiesce to the rule of repression by the morally and intellectually obtuse. If the feelings expressed that day are halfway true, one can sense that there is a definite change on the horizon.
