Letters
'Maigani' got it all wrong
It is understandable that in the aftermath of the sad misadventure that befell Alhaji Umaru Dikko, some scapegoats should be sought. Unfortunately for your columnist "Maigani", his attempt to cast me in that role cannot succeed.Firstly, he's got his facts wrong, which, I suppose, he can afford to do, since he conveniently hides behind anonymity to whip his victims, whereas those of us who write under our own names can be personally attacked even by those who haven't got the courage of their own convictions. I never wrote in The Observer that Alhaji Umaru Dikko was "reputed to be a billionaire". In explanation of why he was placed on the 'wanted' list in Nigeria, where, as he himself told me, he'd turned, after the coup, into some sort of 'Hitler' chap whom everyone was seeking and who was reported to have been sighted in 'different places at the same time', I wrote that the "popular belief" was that he was worth "about a billion pounds". Can 'Maigani' deny that that was indeed the "popular belief" in Nigeria at the time? A journalist reporting popular belief does not have to share that opinion.
Secondly, I was not the first person to interview Alhaji Dikko. There was an earlier interview in the International Herald Tribune, with a lot more allegations in it, which the journalists who wrote about Dr Dikko later could equally well have picked up 'Maigani" accuses me of making an 'irrespon- sible' statement. If he were responsible himself, he would have done a lot more research into the subject before making categorical statements, demonstrably false, in support of his invective.
Cameron Duodu, London EC4
What the papers say
I have been reading the "What the papers say" column with deep interest since I discovered your magazine. It is an important column because it gives me the opportunity to read editorial opinions of other papers in Africa. If one considers the fact that most papers in Africa are state-owned and therefore their editorials necessarily reflect on the views of the government, then one gets the general policy of those governments.I would therefore suggest that you broaden the scope of the Africa-papers and shorten the comments to accommodate more. Keep up the good work.
John Rockson, Kent.
A more confident Rawlings?
I read your editorial of June 25, 1984 and I failed to understand what you were driving at. For the period that this magazine has been in existence, you have been attacking the Rawlings regime for closing the borders and imposing a curfew on the people of Ghana. Now that the curfew has been lifted and the borders opened, what do we read? an editorial which gives the impression that the decisions must have been taken with an ulterior motive.I returned recently from Ghana and I can tell the Editor who, I am sure, has not been there for some time, that things are definitely looking up. That food is now available is something to be appreciated and not derided. That Ghanaians can now cross the borders and go to bed when they wish without fear of molestation is a happier side of the over two years' gloom in the nation's affairs.
If Rawlings is feeling confident of himself that's his problem. As far as Ghanaians are concerned, the relaxed atmosphere is definitely welcome.
Kwame Ankomah, Middlesex.
Ghana Airways routes
I still do not understand why the authorities of the Ghana Airways have been sticking to their traditional route to Europe; Accra-Rome-London- Rome-Accra.Unfortunately, it is generally accepted by its citizens or customers as a whole that our planes are not enough to cater for many international cities. But the latest D.C.10 bought by the Ghana Government can help a lot to compete with others.
Moreover, because foreign currency is really hard to come by, Ghana Air- ways needs, at least, a little expansion by way of international routes by stopping over in other European cities where people are prepared to buy the return tickets in foreign money to help balance its outstanding bills. Frankly, passengers are fed up with being detained over the corporation's unpaid bills.
Kwadwo Oppong,
Stuttgart, W. Germany
Open letter to SMC
Your regime, on taking over, struck a high moral tone which gave rise to considerable optimism. You also spoke about determination in tackling the immense problems facing the country - this accentuated the optimism. But after six months in power, there seems to be some disturbing disparity between your aspirations and performance.For instance, you seem to be preoccupied with 'corruption' and 'corrupt elements' of the last civilian regime, without addressing yourselves to the more important issue of discovering the defects in the Nigerian system which make spectacular corruption possible. In other words, it seems you are devoting too much time and energy to symptoms and not enough to causes.
It is my honest and humble view that your military regime is not the best organ to deal with corruption. This is because corruption in Nigeria hit a spectacular high-note during 13 years of military rule. And some of you were involved in those military governments. What I am getting at is the simple proposition that it is dangerous and arrogant nonsense for the military to think and behave as if it has the monopoly of good government and high morality.
As a journalist, I think it is a serious mistake to try to control, or intimidate the press, especially the Nigerian press. The Nigerian press, with all its imperfections and excesses, is the only Niger- ian institution which has managed to establish a culture. But the Nigerian press has established an enviable tradition of freedom. This tradition it fought valiantly for, even under colonial rule - many editors and journalists were jailed for sedition under British colonial rule.
In fact, the Nigerian press was in the frontline during the country's struggle for independence. The Nigerian military, or what passed for it, at the time of the struggle, was a cosy colonial out- fit and did not play any role whatso- ever! In short, the only Nigerian institution which has always addressed itself to the task of doing its job vigorously and consistently is the press.
The military, or the politicians can- not boast the same consistent record. And the fact that successive Nigerian regimes, from colonial time to date, has tried to intimidate, or control the press is an eloquent testimony to its firm culture. During the 13 years of military rule, some sections of the press were taken over by the military govern- ment, and other new sections were established. But the long tradition of freedom the Nigerian press has established ultimately transcended all difficulties.
I think you really need a free Nigerian press, with all its imperfections and excesses as a barometer of the feelings of the nation you are rul- ing. It appears that within a very short period of six months you have manag- ed to alienate a wide section of the community, with the possible exception of the traditional rulers. This makes it absolutely necessary to leave the press well alone. Besides, there is a need to stress the importance of creating an atmosphere "for a fearless and honest airing of our anxieties and hopes. This atmosphere should be rigorously free of destructive recrimination and intimidation". Above all, "there are no Saints and Sinners - we are all SINNERS by commission and omission".
This brings me to an issue of principle. An aspect of the Supreme Military Council's membership troubles me. The current issue of the Diplomatic List in the Federal Republic of Germany, shows a member of the Supreme Military Council as the Nigerian Ambassador to the Republic. The same civil servant is also the current Director of the National Security Organisation, NSO, in Lagos. In other words, the public officer in question is holding two important jobs at the same time. This raises the following important questions:-
1. Does this officer receive two salaries as (a) Director of N.S.O. and (b) as Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany?
2. How can the same officer carry out the responsibilities of two important posts efficiently?
3. Why should an important diplomatic seat like Bonn be run by a non-resident and part-time Ambassador? Is there a lack of talents in Nigeria, or what is so special about this public officer?
There is even a more disturbing aspect of the whole affair. The public officer in question was appointed to the post of Director of N.S.O. by former president Shagari, with effect from February this year. The said officer was in Nigeria during the last elections and travelled with ex- president Shagari to the Federal Republic of Germany in September last year. He rejoined Shagari shortly after Shagari's second inauguration. He went around with Shagari as the ex- president's substantive Director of N.S.O. until the military take-over on 31 December this year. When you took over, you weeded out, almost en asse, senior public officers, including ambassadors, of Shagari's administration. But the Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Germany, who was very close to Shagari, was promoted. WHY?
I fear that the impression has been created that the current Director of N.S.O., a civil servant who was Shagari's choice for the job, has been kept in two offices for reasons not clear to the Nigerian public.
Finally, I ask you again - and in all sincerity, to stimulate a general discussion of our basic problems because the military alone cannot solve them. The military can create a disciplined atmosphere only for a short time - you need the goodwill and active participation of many men and women, who are as interested as you are in building a better Nigeria. PLEASE DON'T ALIENATE EVERYBODY.
Anerobi Ngwube.
EDITOR'S NOTE: Anerobi Ngwube is the Publisher/Editor-in-Chief of "African Envoy', a bi-monthly three language journal, based in the Federal Republic of Germany.
We should welcome Akata-Pore and his friends
A conspiracy of silence appears to be killing Mother Ghana.Over the years, especially between 1966 and now, there have been particular individuals who have been at the centre stage of Ghana's political and economic history. These groups of people have with them such information which can help generations not to repeat the mistakes of the past. But the question is, what is preventing these individuals to write, or even as tradition demands, pass on their experiences as part of our collective history?
Some contributors to Talking Drums have tended to tease the minds of some of your serious readers with jelly-fish information which smacks of guilt or collaboration. They want to burst out but they are uncertain of the consequences as they may be living in glass houses too. They appear to be haunted and arrested with a strong desire to confess or 'speak out' come what may. But their bleeding hearts cannot ink their pens when they try to write.
In all of their contributions, they try to intone that no one has the monopoly of being more Ghanaian than any other Ghanaian. They use the pages of Talking Drums to quarrel with and taunt those in power in a language they alone can decipher. They are not being fair to the Ghana they claim to love by withholding information from the population. By this conspiracy of silence, they are condemning future generations to repeat the mistakes of the past.
Col. Annor Odjidja and Capt. Baah Achamfuor should spare us this gymnastics of cover-up and come forthrightly in the open. How can Odjidja ask your readers to come forth with information about the PNDC as Jerry Rawlings and the Tsikatas are afraid of exposure when all that he does in his writings is philosophise? What about Dr A.B. Assensoh who is killing himself softly with anger so disciplined in his writings? Who is suffering the most?
It also does not serve any useful purpose for your pages to be used to alienate the Chris Atims, Akatapores, Kwesi Adus and those who are honest enough to oppose what they once believed in. Why are they being chastised for not seeking refuge in Moscow or Havana?
They have a purpose amongst their own population abroad and also among those who own Barclays Bank, U.A.C. group of companies, Ashanti Goldfields Corporation than in the Soviet Union or Cuba who are not the cause of our economic misery and technological backwardness. We have to welcome them in our midst as we are all refugees in one way or the other. They can help us to sharpen our resistance to military dictatorship which speeds up foreign exploitation and domestic degradation of social, political and economic life.
Judging from Adwoba Yankey's letter of 28 May, 1984, Jerry Rawlings and Kojo Tsikata are rather afraid of the Defence Committees which appears not to be their creation after all. Do most of us outside really understand what is going on in Ghana? In our desperation we tend to disrespect the intelligence of our people to organise themselves in their self-interest by any means necessary in their genuine desire for a new kind of society free from the treachery of those who have contribut- ed to their backwardness.
Your pages should be used to open up a debate on the political and economic essence of the defence committees which the IMF and the trans- national corporation feel uncomfort- able about. I will dare say that those of us abroad will have ourselves to blame if we set ourselves apart from the struggles being waged in Ghana by the people against the neo-colonial breed whose loyalty is only to Whitehall, White House or the Kremlin. It is this twisted mentality which could have plotted to murder the judges and yet be a welcome sight to the regime of Margaret Thatcher. Who cares so far as U.A.C. makes profits and the Soviets can sell their guns?
Omowale Balogun
