US-Africa Policy Will Help Determine The 1984 US Presidential Election
Clyde Ahmad Winters
Clyde Ahmad Winters, Director of Uthman Dan Fodio Institute, Chicago, Illinois, examines the black voters factor in the impending US Presidential Elections and argues that with the stronger links between the Afro-American community and Africa as exemplified by leaders like Young and Jackson, the outcome may prove beneficial to both sides.Come November 6, American Foreign Policy in relation to Africa may affect voter turn-out. For the last 30 years American policy toward Israel has been influenced by American Jews. Today, Afro-American voters are at- tempting to influence Africa-US relations.
Up to this Spring Afro-American voters were taken for granted by the Democratic Party, and ignored by the Republicans. But due to the successful primary campaign of Rev. Jesse Jackson, and his ability to register and get out to vote millions of new and old Afro-American voters in America have a unique opportunity to influence not only local, but national elections.
In the United States there are over 10 million plus registered Afro-American voters and a potential 19 million voters. In the past Afro-Americans sheepishly voted Democratic, out of fear of conservative Republican policies, but in 1984 as Blacks turned out in record numbers to support the candidacy of Jesse Jackson, white politicians have been forced to re- evaluate their relationship with Afro- Americans especially Southern white Democrats who need Black support, this year, to stop the local Re- publicans in the South from taking Democratic seats in Congress by riding the coat-tails of President Reagan.
Many African leaders in the past have ignored forging relations with Afro-Americans because they felt personal contacts with white American leaders would suffice. But this policy has rarely paid off, because America is a country where ethnic and racial ties determine political clout. Since Africans are Blacks, and have nothing in common with white ethnics, Africa(ns) has garnered little respect in America following this policy.
Since the 1960's Afro-Americans have been trying to influence America's Africa policy. But it was not until 1976, when Andrew Young, became Ambassador to the UN, that the view "Black American support for Black Africa," became popular in the US. This view was increasingly made prominent by leaders, such as Young and Jesse Jackson. But as long as Afro-Americans blindly supported US leaders, no matter what their stance on Africa, Afro-Americans who demanded better and more aid to Africa, and trade were ignored.
This situation changed in this past Spring, when Rev. Jackson, as a presidential candidate during the Democratic primary called for better aid for Africa and more trade.
Afro-Americans want the US to support African economic develop- ment. Africa needs help now. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Africa production fell from 2.2 per cent in 1979, to 0.1 percent in 1983. The trade deficit of the poorest countries, many of them in Africa, is at $50 billion,
"Many African leaders in the past have ignored forging relations with Afro-Americans because they felt personal contacts with White American leaders would suffice. But this policy has rarely paid off, because America is a country where ethnic and racial ties determine political clout."
After the primary season the Democratic presidential candidate Walter Mondale, attempted to ignore Jesse Jackson's call for the Democratic party to give more aid and encourage trade to Africa. Former vice-president Mondale had hoped he could win Afro-American votes on his own merits. But the idea fizzled out, because he refused to speak out on a Federal Jobs programme to alleviate some of the rampant unemployment in Afro-American Communities, or respect Jesse Jackson.
Jackson made it clear in August that, he was waiting for the Democratic presidential ticket to send a "message to inspire the masses" before he could campaign for it. He said "so far the spadework has not been done. As soon as we hear the message we intend to pursue it with fervour."
At this time Jackson made it clear that a Mondale promise to expand programmes encouraging minority inclusion in federally financed projects was not enough. Rev. Jackson made it clear that "I come from an African tribe," and thus he wanted to see the Democratic candidate run on a platform which will encourage more equitable US trade with Sub-Saharan Africa. Jackson noted that Afro- Americans may account for as much as 30 percent of Mondale's votes in November. He observed that, "for that level of involvement, one wants equity and not just jobs."
By late August it was clear to Mondale that he needed Jackson's support and help if he wanted to be the next president. In 1980, many Afro- Americans either voted for Reagan, or stayed home rather than support President Carter, because he had fired Andrew Young, as UN Ambassador in 1979 due to Jewish pressure over a meeting between Young and the PLO Ambassador to the UN. A Gallup Poll released on 30 August made it clear that if Mondale ignored Jackson, he had little hope of winning the 1984 election. This poll indicated that only 40 percent of Afro- Americans polled said they "strongly supported the Democratic ticket." It also found that 84 per cent said the presidential campaign of Rev. Jackson made them more likely to vote. Most importantly, this poll which was conducted for the Joint Centre for Politi- cal Studies, a non-partisan group, discovered that a Jackson endorsement of Mondale would "favourably influence" 56 percent of Afro-Americans.
Interestingly, this poll found that both Black and white respondents rated Jackson ahead of Mondale. Moreover 10 percent of whites sampled said they would vote for Mr Mondale, because of Jackson's support.
Because of the lack of enthusiasm for Mondale's candidacy in many parts of the US, his call for higher taxes, and the financial problems of his running mate Rep. Geraldine Ferraro, Mondale needs Jackson's help to win. He especially needs Jackson in the south, where Afro-American voters could be the deciding factor for a Democratic victory in this heavily conservative area. In early September Mondale held a meeting with Jesse Jackson, and other Black leaders to get their support. At this meeting Mondale reached a truce with his former rival Rev. Jackson. He pledged to give millions of dollars to register more Blacks. Mondale also agreed to speak out more on Afro- American foreign policy concerns, such as better trade with Africa, and isolation of South Africa. Jackson agreed to support Mondale because he knows that more political power for Blacks can mean more Afro-Americans in state and national government. More Afro-American Congressmen and white Congressmen who need Black support to stay in office, could mean better social programmes for American minorities, and more importantly more aid and trade with Africa.
In 1980 President Reagan received many Afro-American votes. In many religious circles Reagan has the support of many Christian Black Americans.
As a result Reagan has not been silent while Mondale attempts to lock up the Afro-American vote. Although many people in the US and in Africa view Reagan as a racist, he is not anti Black or anti-Third World for that this year. matter. He is a capitalist and above all pro-business. As a result President Reagan hopes he can get the support of regular Democrats including Blacks come November 6.
President Reagan hopes to get Afro- American support due to his tax cuts, and support for better "civil rights" for Afro-Americans. For example if not for the Reagan administration's support for fair elections in Chicago and the sending of federal agents to Chicago to monitor the mayoral election of 1983, there probably would not be a Black Mayor of Chicago today.
For many years the Reagan administration has cut aid to sub-Saharan Africa. But it is interesting to note that when President Reagan spoke at the recent meeting of the IMF and the World Bank, he not only called on the member nations to pursue policies of less government spending and lower taxes to renew their economic growth, Reagan also called for more aid to Sub- Saharan Africa.
At the IMF meeting Reagan outlined his economic Policy Initiative, which calls for a US contribution to African Development of $500 million over five years, in addition to $1.5 billion in US assistance programmes in the coming year. This is a 30 per cent increase over such assistance levels a few years ago, noted Reagan.
Moreover House and Senate conferees on an export control bill which includes provisions which would ban American bank loans to the South African government and to companies it owns were agreed upon in early October. Although the Reagan administration opposed the bill, many observers believe it is unlikely that Reagan would veto the bill because it would put his administration in further conflict with Afro-American leaders
There are too few Republicans in the US for Reagan to become President without the support of Democrats. Reagan believes he can attract some Afro-American support because of Republican support of prominent Black Businessmen and the involvement of Blacks in his administration. Muhammad Ali, the former boxing champ, who supported Rev. Jackson during his primary campaign has already endorsed President Reagan.
The rhetorics of President Reagan and Mondale are all intended to attract Black voters on November 6. Although Mondale may not win the election, the strength and independence of the Afro- American voter suggest that the US, Africa policy may change in the future. To insure such changes African leaders should begin to cultivate relationships with local and national Afro-American leaders, so they can maximize their recognition in the US. It is easy for many people to tell Africa to develop without assistance but this is impossible. There is no way that a destitute neighbour can better his condition without help.
