Africa's military burden (1)
Akwasi Atta Amoah
Former OAU Secretary-General, Mr Edem Kodjo, once described Africa as "the continent of poverty par excellence". Our correspondent Akwasi Atta Amoah examines the problem with the military presence as background.Hardly anyone has made a bid or come to power in an African country without stating the primary objective of rescuing, saving, salvaging or redeeming its economy and people from their hardships. This is not a misplaced objective at all. The statistics, if they are available often point to a rather gloomy picture.
Of the least developed countries in the world, the bulk can be found in Africa. The economies are fragile. Prices of their commodities are falling. Unemployment is high. Drought is compounding the problem and famine and high number of refugees make nonsense of any rational economic planning.
The economic growth rate is far below the high demographic growth of the continent. For the larger number of African countries the last two decades have witnessed only 4.8 per cent growth while others fall as low as 2.9 percent with their economic growth. Former OAU Secretary-General Mr Edem Kojo once described Africa "as the continent of poverty par excellence." Only one country has a per capita income of above $5000 per annum; a dozen or so have between 500 and 2000 dollars; 23 have between 200 and 300 dollars; and 13 are choking under 200 dollars per annum.
In this state of anarchy and instability there seems to be more adventurous redeemers and saviours than are trained economists to shepherd the various national economies out of their helpless, hapless state.
This New Year it is not known from where the next saviour will come. It is interesting that both civilian administrations which come through the ballot box and the military regimes which seize power by the barrel of the gun all have an avowed aim to seek the welfare of the people. Somewhere along the route the economies get messed up the military hand over power only to come back after a short while. The civilian government have largely been inept and as corrupt as their uniformed counterparts.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is one region of political instability with the military overthrowing constitutional rule in a bid to revamp the tottering economies of the countries. Ghana's Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings (36 months), Togo's General Gnagssingbe Eyadema (216 months) Nigeria's Major-General Muhammadu Buhari (12 months), Guinea's Captain Lansana Conte (8 months). Liberia's Master Sergeant Samuel K. Doe (56 months), Burkina Faso's Captain Thomas Sankara (16 months), and Mauritania's Sidi Ahmed Ould Taya (about two months) are some of the military rulers in power.
The trend began in January 1966 when the military toppled the Tafawa Balewa Government in Nigeria and assassinated many people in the government; it was followed a month later by the one that ended the "corrupt and dictatorial regime of Kwame Nkrumah."
Since then a lot of military takeovers have taken place, almost all based on the charges of corruption which is unfortunately being taken as endemic in the African society. Ghana, the first African country to achieve independence from a colonial power is one country of coups and where an uncountable number of unsuccessful attempts at overthrowing both civilian and military rule are rife.
The late E. K. Kotoka and Akwasi Amankwa Afrifa overthrew the First Republic of Ghana on charges of and financial corruption maladministration. Fourteen months later some young officers led by the late 2nd Lieutenant Arthur on April 17, 1967, attempted to topple their officers on the same charges of corruption and favouritism among others. The attempt failed. But Kotoka lost his life. On charges of corruption, Lt-General J. A. Ankrah, then Head of State and Chairman of the National Liberation Council had to resign and give way to Afrifa. Afrifa, smelling heavily of financial impropriety, after a popular general election handed over to an administration under late Professor Kofi Abrefa Busia in October 1969. But devaluation of the cedi caused disaffection and dissatisfaction in the public. Kutu Acheampong cashed in on the sentiment of the people, sacked the Second Republic, promising to capture for the masses "the commanding heights of the economy”.
From January 1972 to July 1978 the economy of Ghana had sunk into the doldrums. Imminent civil war stared the people in the face as they shouted themselves hoarse over the merits and demerits of the proposed Union government. Corruption, especially among serving military personnel, their relatives, wives and concubines had stretched to breaking point.
The late General Fred Akuffo in a palace coup dismissed Acheampong from office for corruption and "one-man showmanship" among other serious charges. But it was too late Flt Lieutenant Rawlings attempted to come (May 15, 1979) to rescue the masses from their economic strangulation. This was the reason he assigned at his trial and which boosted his image as a revolutionary.
Little wonder when 3 weeks later, June 4 that year, he was released from cells and installed as the Chairman of the erstwhile Armed Forces Revolutionary Council he was an instant hero. Corruption had made the Ghana army stink and so there was need for a house clearing.
In the ensuing three months and half, in a vigorous anti-corruption drive the top brass of the army were arrested and three former Heads of State Akwasi Amankwaa Afrifa, Kutu Acheampong and F. W. K. Akuffo were executed by firing squad. Some serving officers Major-General E. A. Kotei, Major-General Utuka, Air Vice Marshal Yaw Boakye, Commander Joy Amedume and Colonel Roger Felli suffered similar fate. Several high ranking military personnel, businessmen and former politicians were punished in one way or other.
In the midstream of the so-called. house cleaning exercise the AFRC handed over to the Limann Administration with the timely warning that Dr Limann should clean his party. But that was not to be. The forces that be were too formidable for the president-elect. In the end he found out that, by party discipline, he had to think and plan with many of the former Nkrumah politicians such as the late Krobo Edusei, Okutwer Bekoe, Kwesi Armah, and others who had been discredited following the fall of the First Republic.
Regrettably, there seems to be so many saviours and redeemers because some ambitious people, especially those in the Armed Forces of Third World Countries want forcibly to insert their names in the history books in their life-time.
But while the Limann government or the Third Republic lasted, even though Rawlings himself, had proved to be sincerely honest, it was realised that the AFRC itself which he headed could not stand close scrutiny. Many of its cadres functionaries, and front men had really dabbled in corrupt practices. The case of E. K. Koda and Okaikwei who were jailed in 1979 but managed to escape from prison to seek refuge in Britain are living testimonies of how deeply-rooted corruption was within the erstwhile AFRC.
In fact many of the monies claimed to have been collected on behalf of the AFRC were not properly accounted for as in their lakadaisical approach to affairs of government they left many things in disarray. Ironically, individuals engaged in a house cleaning exercise in which some people had been executed rather committed similar offences for which the others stood condemned.
But in two years three months, Rawlings was back on the scene still charging that there was a high degree of corruption in the Third Republic and that high prices were making things uncomfortable for the masses. His supporters welcomed him back and Rawlings' initials J. J. for Jerry John was transformed blasphemously into "Junior Jesus" by his Marxist-Leninist supporters at the time.
However, was his second coming a saviour's mission or a self-seeking stunt? The answer could be both. The self-seeking mission is exposed through the famous retort from the Army Commander Nunoo-Mensah who had been invited from retirement into the top echelon of the Armed Forces. When quizzed by the press in London when the PNDC will hand over the reins of government he exploded back: "TO WHOM?". The saviour's mission lies in World Bank reports that the Economy of Ghana is picking up and showing steady signs of recovery. While there might have been some corruption in the Limann administra- tion, at least prices were more moder- ate at the time than they are now, three years after Jerry Rawlings had come back. But judging from those invited into government self-seeking motives cannot be ruled out altogether.
He, Rawlings himself, Brigadier Nunoo-Mensah, Brigadier Quainoo, ex-IGP Lamptey, Late Amartey-Kwei and a host of others had either been retired or cashiered out of office during the Third Republic and in popular West African parlance were 'unbeez' (unemployed). The wisdom to hand over after only a short spell of three and a half months in office was being seriously questioned by close associates, friends and well wishers. Soon after handing over Rawlings found himself in the political wilderness. He found himself appearing in court on several occasions to testify on some aspect or other of his regime. To stem the tide which was weighted heavily against him he had to come back.
Regrettably, there seems to be so many saviours and redeemers because ambitious people, especially those in the Armed Forces of the Third World countries want forcibly to insert their names in the history books in their lifetime.
Saviours and liberators all-past and present.
