Talking Drums

The West African News Magazine

Whispering Drums With Maigani

by Musa Ibrahim

Buhari's civil rule propaganda

The prevalence of military coups in many African countries including Nigeria, made the 49 "wise men" who framed Nigeria's 1979 Constitution to assert thereof that it is "unconstitutional, and hence illegal, for the military to take-over through a coup d'etat, the instrumentalities of government from the elected representatives of the people." The making of such a provision or the real force behind that clause could only be seen as a basically moral force in that it points to the fact that a military coup is "bad", or "morally undesirable," something that ought not to occur no matter what. But the unanswered question is: who, for example, is supposed to enforce the provision once the civil authority has been overthrown, knowing that the real coercive power which underpins the authority of the civil regime is the military?

Perhaps, the provision was deliberately meant to be exhortatory, a call on the people to rise against the military in defence of the constitutional order. But history is replete with the fact that the "people" do not just rise in revolt, they require to be organised and led. In the case of Nigeria, over thirty million people had, not quite two months, cast their votes to elect their representatives when Nigeria's military decided to undermine the people's choice. Those thirty million people would have revolted against the 31st December 1983 military coup if somebody had come out to provide the leadership role needed for the revolt. There was none, and when in far away London Umaru Dikko called for a Jihad, it was too late, even though some people conceded that Nigerians would have reacted to the call if it had come from any other person and not Dikko. Whatever the argument, one week after the coup, Nigerians were already calling for a return to civil rule. In time, these Nigerians were joined by the foreign media, concerned individuals and international organisations the world over.

As if in answer to those calls, the head of the military junta in Lagos, Buhari, last week, held out what the Financial Times stated as "the prospect of an eventual return to civilian rule, preceded by a referendum to choose an appropriate political system," with Buhari suggesting that this would come only "after three very tough years of economic adjustments."

Just as there is no logic (rationality, consistency and comprehensiveness) of military intervention in politics, there is equally no set procedure to dictate the pattern of military withdrawal from politics. In some cases, demilitarisation have involved nothing more than a formal handing over of political power to a selected body of civilians as was the case with Sierra Leone's Siaka Stevens. While in yet others, the process had been more elaborate, involving the setting up of a constituent assembly, the drawing up of a new constitution, the holding of popular elections and the final handing over of political power to a successful party. This was the process Nigeria undertook before Alhaji Shehu Shagari and his National Party of Nigeria were able to form the government in 1979.

Before then, Nigeria had inherited at independence, Britain's parliamentary system of government and operated a constitution that was made in England. The government became insufferable as a result of the politicians' inability to understand and operate under a political institution that was basically alien to them. On January 15, 1966, the military came in and terminated what has gone down in history as Nigeria's First Republic. After thirteen years in government, the military had only a catalogue of misdeeds to remember them by. They sowed the seeds of hatred among the people and led the country to a cruel, bitter and bloody civil war which nearly saw the end of a Federal Republic of Nigeria. For the ordinary man, those 13 years were very tough years alright.

The system of rule which was inaugurated in Nigeria on 1 October 1979 was marked by two special and significant events: first, the coming into being of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979, and second, the installation of a popularly elected civilian as Executive President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Unlike the Constitution in the First Republic, the 1979 Constitution was drafted by Nigerians and made for Nigerians. It reflected the country's past experiences and was capable of influencing the nature and orderly development of the politics of the people. And in spite of few lapses at the initial stages, Nigerians were mastering their new political system, the Constitution was being effected. and the people's political culture and awareness was gradually developing. Nigerians had finally found a system that was working for them.

But with no prior warning, the soldiers again, in the thick of the night, struck and the world went numb. One explanatory schema of military coups suggest that coups occur in countries with low political culture. Nigerians within the four years of presidential democracy had developed an enviable high political culture. In another four years, it would have been absolutely impossible for any soldier to stage a coup in the country. The soldiers saw that and decided to nib it in the bud. That explains Buhari's coup, and that is why I see his promise for a civil rule as a farce.

For one, I am told that the statement is meant for international consumption alone, for those Western democracies who always call for democracy in Africa and yet when this same democracy becomes threatened from within, fail to give it moral support and protection. It was also meant for the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and such other capitalist institutions. Sergeant Doe and other military dictators have used this ploy very successfully. Buhari has no intention of handing-over. Unless if what I hear from the grapevine is true. I hear Idiagbon, Buhari's second in command wants the job of his Boss. I also hear Babangida wants the job. And I know palace coups exist. Buhari wants to save his skinny neck but I am not sure if three years isn't too far away for that.

But if Buhari is serious, let me tell him this. Nigerians never at one time said that they did not like the system they were operating before he and his men came in. They don't want no referendum or any gerrymandering The 1979 Constitution is still there, and as soon as Buhari discovers that Nigerians have suffered enough and his dream of a buoyant economy for Nigeria has materialised, he should bring back the 1979 Constitution and call for the formation of political parties and the holding of elections. is what the people want.






talking drums 1985-02-18 after the kidnap trial Dikko says I shall return to Nigeria