Talking Drums

The West African News Magazine

Can Rawlings still "Do a Doe"?

By our correspondent in Accra

No regime in Ghana's 28-year history has spilled such rivers of blood or exposed the people to such hardships as the PNDC. And yet, no regime in Ghana's short history seems to have inspired- and only too often misled- lofty ideals and sensible ideas.
When Jerry Rawlings was asked, not so long after his second seizure of power, when he was going to "hand it over", he made his famous remark "handing over to whom?", claiming more or less that he had already handed over, "to the people". "Power to the people" still is the official slogan but it certainly is no longer a delirious shout of "newly won freedom". It rather has the tired ring of "we shall overcome ... one day".

The wildly shrieking, incoherent, hungry-looking revolutionary hero of 1981 in his loose overalls has now changed into a rather sedate, articulate "well-seated" gentleman in slightly less dark glasses who occasionally dons a handsome ceremonial attire which fits him well because by now he fills it well.

It is not only in appearance that Rawlings and his PDNC have changed considerably in the last 4 years. His team of wide-eyed youngsters of 1981 has turned into a kind of gerontocracy of generally benevolently smiling ladies and gentlemen for whom the "revolution" must be something like a nostalgia trip at best.

The PDCS and WDCs were dropped, but the CDRs which replaced them hardly inspire awe, in spite of Col. Assase's politico-economic organising talents. Their limited success and viability is only visible where their role is parallel to local government and trade union activities, but on a national political level, they remain of course powerless and meaningless. Can one expect the Mpeasem CDR to have a considered opinion about the need to build a new international airport or to increase the price of cooking-gas?

The PNDC has now had 4 years, the time to enlighten "the people at the grassroots" about their rights; is that not long enough for them to be able to make up their mind, through a referendum for instance, about the kind of political system they consider best? And if the people were to express their view that in spite of everything they still think good old party politics is the best, could Rawlings not still "do a Doe" and possibly stand for election himself? He might very well win, without even resorting to Sam Doe's gimmicks which are sadly reminiscent of those of the infamous UNIGOV days.

The sad thing about opponents of an absolute regime which does not have the democratic stamp of approval through election is that they tend to be equally absolute in their condemnation of such a regime. Admitting that there is any good in it seems to be regarded as a betrayal of their "noble cause". Consequently, the regime in power automatically stamps every utterance from the other side with the word "subversive" or at best "their expected reactionary gibberish", and so they go round and round in their vicious circle.

Even Rawlings himself will not deny that he imposed himself on Ghana by force of arms, though he may deny that the regime which he overthrew was "truly democratically" elected and in any case firmly state that it no longer "reflected the true aspirations of the people".

Now is the best time for Rawlings to test his real popularity by a popular vote. He says he does not care much for elections because they are often rigged, it is up to the incorruptible J.J. to show that he can stage a free and fair referendum

In its early days, his regime caused incredible confusion and hardship and committed or gave cause to the commission of a number of atrocious crimes. No regime in Ghana's 28-year history has spilled such rivers of blood or exposed the people to such hardships as the PNDC. And yet, no regime in Ghana's short history seems to have inspired - and only too often misled - so many people with with lofty ideals and sensible ideas.

The word "Provisional" in the regime's name may sound a bit hollow after 4 years, but it is worth noting that its Chairman still does not claim to be more than a "mere" Flight-Lieutenant, and is still without a doctor's degree, and, what is more, there are no rumours ("rife" or otherwise) that he has used his position to enrich himself.

What is becoming increasingly clear these days in Ghana is that no matter how erratic the regime may be politically, it seems to "seek the economic kingdom first", and with some success. Whatever may be the weaknesses and virtues of the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP), even the most inveterate critic of the PNDC cannot deny that there is now some stability and economic improvement.

The general complaint that the prices are too high is of course valid only in view of the fact that incomes are too low and the official exchange rate of the Cedi, in spite of several devaluations, still is kept at too high a level. But shortages now are largely a thing of the past, and with them a host of evil practices like arbitrary price increases, the "chit"-system, artificial shortages, "the-owner-is-not-there" business, "bottom power", etc. etc. have also disappeared.

For the first time in so many years some things are again cheaper in the market than they are in the shops. For the first time too, personnel in certain Ministries have the time to actually do their work rather than spending their time on writing "chits" and doing or refusing special favours. Of course, all this was only made possible by means of huge loans which have to be paid back, and also because the weather-gods have been most cooperative lately.

But nobody can deny that the wheels of Ghana's economy have started to turn again. Actually, the image of a "clockwork" is somewhat misleading: Ghana's economy moves more like a whirlpool: imperceptibly it started moving somewhere in the same direction, but there are also some areas which remain stagnant or even start turning in the opposite direction. (An example of this is the Post Office, which seemed to move along, then became stagnant, so that now postal rates are again totally unrealistic, now it is again unable to provide such things as air-lettercards and even ordinary stamps; for inland mail (C1.-) West African (C2.30) European (C3.-) and American mail (C4.-); only C5.- stamps are available - and nobody really cares, for C5.- is what you pay for an orange or a handful of groundnuts).

Small business is being squeezed out by draconian new tax-laws, but for big foreign investors the climate seems to be ok. To some of them Jerry Rawlings may seem to be a trustworthy Scotsman (who happens to have a Ghanaian mother) rather than the Ghanaian who happens to have a Scottish father - apologies to Dr De Graft Johnson.

However, the seeming euphoria caused by economic recovery will not last long. Soon people will get used to their recovered comforts. Already it is difficult to imagine that it is hardly 2 years that we went through "1983 and all that". Soon people will become restive again, and avoiding open political discussion will be a dangerous policy.

Most people, including the avowed critics of the PNDC, agree that another coup would spell disaster. The PNDC came to power "through the barrel of the gun", but it is not an ordinary military regime, and one day some gun-toting idiot may again come around to tell the nation that it really needs a truly military regime to "clear up the mess made by Rawlings' civilians".

If a referendum were held in which the people were offered a truly free choice between the old "cursed" multi-party democracy and the new Libyan inspired CDR based democracy, it is not unlikely that the majority will vote for the "cursed" old system

Now is the best time for Rawlings to test his real popularity by a popular vote. He says he does not care much for elections and referenda because they are so often rigged. But who are those riggers? They are nearly always the ones who are in power. So, it's up to the incorruptible J.J. to show that he can manage a referendum and that "the people at the grass-roots" are really tired of "so-called western democracy" and its multi-party system.

If a referendum were held in which the people were offered a truly free choice between the old "cursed" multi-party democracy and the new Libyan inspired CDR based democracy, it is not unlikely that the majority will vote for the "cur- sed" old system. But if Rawlings were to stand election as an individual, even representing a party which has the CDR system as its ideology, he would be likely to win, just as Communists - avowed believers in the one-party state sometimes win elections in Western multi-party democracies.

If the people were vote as is to suggested here, Rawlings, who with his team quietly but successfully sought and found the economic kingdom by dropping a few of his apparent principles, should now also have the courage to admit that there is an answer to his question "handing over to whom?" and to make another, minor political volte-face. His "provisional" regime cannot claim to be eternal and has already lasted dangerously long on "borrowed time".

Everybody wants, now that things are going a little better economically, some political stability too. Such stability can only be achieved through a vote of some kind; it cannot be based on a conviction or belief, let alone mere on demonstrations of placard-bearing jubilating sloganeering crowds exclaiming "unflinching support".

Rawlings may like to "ride a tiger" and trust his continuing luck. But he owes to his countrymen, a duty of providing for the future too, a future in which he could very well continue to play an important role, truly representing the Will of the People. It is not yet too late to think of "doing a Doe".


Ken Dadzie becomes UNCTAD boss

Mr Kenneth Dadzie, Ghana's High Commissioner to Britain, has been appointed Director of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and is ex- pected to take up his new position in January 1986.

Mr Dadzie, who surprised many people by accepting to become Ghana's High Commissioner in the middle of 1982, right at the height of the blood and thunder days of the revolution of the Provisional National Defence Council government of Flight- Lieutenant Rawlings, was one of the first five Ghanaians selected to be trained at the Foreign Office in London, who later formed the nucleus of the Ghana diplomatic service.

After years in the Ghana Foreign Service, where he was among the 'bright young officers', he joined the United Nations on secondment and had an equally brilliant service, becoming the Deputy General Secretary in the United Nations.

There appeared to have been a falling out between him and the new Secretary General Mr Perez de Cueller on his appointment when Mr Dadzie found himself shunted away from the centre of events.

He soon after took up the position in London and was the first sober and establishment figure to have been identified with the PNDC.

It is not yet clear who is replacing Mr Dadzie at the London office and earlier rumours that he and Mr Victor Gbeho, head of the Ghana mission in New York, were going to exchange places have now been largely discounted.






talking drums 1985-12-02 The spy swap Sousoudis for 8 Ghanaians and families