Letters
The people must choose their leaders
Mr Akwasi Atta Amoah's article captioned "Africa's Military Burden (2)" which appeared in February 25, 1985 issue of the Talking Drums gave clear and hidden intentions of African Military rulers.As soon as the soldiers enter the political scene they make promises to the people which they are unable to keep.
The question of unkept promises is common with the military regimes in Ghana and Nigeria. When General Buhari assumed office as the new military head of state in Nigeria, in his maiden broadcast relayed by all state and federal radio and television stations, he made a catalogue of promises.
He promised to settle all salary arrears of workers and bring down the rising cost of living for the masses. He also promised to find jobs for the millions of unemployed Nigerians.
But General Buhari to date has not been able to solve any of these problems. Many workers are still not paid their monthly salaries. Millions of workers have been laid off without providing them with any alternative means of livelihood. Destruction of market stalls and the banning of street trading in Nigeria have deprived many retailers of their means of livelihood.
Our military leaders also promised to respect fundamental human rights but they tampered with this all important charter of the United Nations Organisation (UNO) adopted in December 1948, and have also issued harsh decrees to limit freedom of expression and to gag the press.
There is enough evidence to prove that soldiers have never succeeded in any part of Africa. When they come to power they forget their promises and start to mess up things.
All military regimes disrespect fundamental human rights and anybody who expresses the slightest opposition to their policies is normally treated as an enemy. As a result of this our intellectuals, professionals and other ardent politicians whom we need for our economic, social and political survival as a nation are all in exile.
Liberia's Gen Doe is busily preparing to hand over power to himself as the late General Acheampong had wanted to.
The peoples of countries in Africa under military rule should be given the mandate to choose the type of leaders and governments they want to live with.
Jordan A. Mankwaah,
Enkenbach, W. Germany.
Proposal for national dialogue
Thank you for giving such generous space to Mr Ntim Gyakari to comment on the proposals for the political reconstruction of Ghana that Our Movement put forward in its pamphlet Democracy Will Return To Ghana. As you had not previously reported these proposals themselves in any detail, your readers may be puzzled as to what the debate is about.We presented a 7-point programme as follows:
"The essential first step: we call on the PNDC to commit itself to hand political power back to the people of Ghana, and to remove itself from the seat of government."
"Abolish the so-called Public Tribunals, the PDCs, WDCS, CDRS and all other organs of self-appointed rule. Restore the courts, the traditional councils, the TUC, the financial institutions, universities, public administration and managements to the roles that were given to them under the 1969 and 1979 constitutions."
"Return the Armed Forces to barracks and to their essential role of defending our borders."
"Declare a general political amnesty,release all opponents of the PNDC from prison, and anybody else held in detention other than by police or the courts of law."
"Restore full freedom of movement, of speech, and of association."
"Mandate the Supreme Court and the National House of Chiefs jointly to elect a five-member Presidential Commission, broadly based and comprising citizens with the stature and experience to be able to unite the nation and oversee its political reconstruction. The PNDC should hand over the powers of state to the Presidential Commission."
"The Presidential Commission should appoint an independent Electoral Commission to organise the election of new District Councils."
"Representatives from the District Councils should be elected to form a Constituent Assembly which should determine the constitutional and other rules for the return to popularly elected democratic government in Ghana."
"The presidential Commission should appoint a Government of National Unity, broadly based and mandated, until a new government is elected, to exercise the executive functions of government."
The scenario envisaged is that Rawlings and Tsikata will agree to hand political power back to the people at the end of whatever process of constitutional change that takes place. The appointment and the statements of Mr Justice Annan since last year demonstrate that, at least, the PNDC have accepted that the system of government imposed on Ghana since the coup of December 1981 must now give way to a new political order.
After all that has happened, it is surely not practical politics to imagine that this government would knowingly cooperate in restoring the Limann administration which it unlawfully overthrew. And it has no point of contact either with many other politicians who believe in democracy.
Still, some means must be found for inducing them to go: and that means principally some agency that could bail them out of the corner into which they have painted themselves by their own violence and unlawful conduct. Hence the suggestion of the Supreme Court and the National House of Chiefs as two national institutions to which they could turn.
We believe that our acknowledged elders should play a role in easing the way back to freedom by providing an acceptably neutral umbrella under which all the possible options could be considered. Hence the Presidential Commission. And as we stated at our press conference on 4th March, "elected representatives should be free to reinstate any parts of our previous constitutions that they think will serve the nation well."
The alternative that Rawlings is seeking to achieve through Justice Annan is to impose his own revolutionary settlement on the country and presumably to hang on to power. This Unigov solution the GDM will fight to end.
The scenario envisaged by Mr Ntim Gyakari is quite different: it is that the PNDC has been physically overthrown and plays no part in Ghana's political development. The new group could then give up the political power it has seized in a counter-coup and simply restore the 1979 Constitution and the Limann Government. But we should be aware that Ghana could just as easily end up under the dictatorship of a "martial law administrator" or an even bloodier gang of left-wing radicals.
And even if the 1981 situation could be restored so easily none of us can afford to ignore the lessons of 1972 and 1981. Democracy has to be effectively defended against the Rawlingses of the future. And those institutions that sustain democracy - such as a free press - have to be restored to vigorous life. There can be no easy transition back to a free Ghana.
Finally, our own proposals were offered as the basis of a national dialogue. Leaving aside any cheap personal attacks, we invite Mr Ntim Gyakari and other concerned citizens to contact the GDM
J. H. Mensah, London
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